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Escape from Modern Rationality

Humans are social animals that always confront social clashes which sometimes lead them to improve but sometimes lead them to pursue in darkness; both outputs are based on the way, members of a society react upon matters.

Afghanistan has been opposing modern educational, political and social systems since ancient times. In schools, humans improve their proficiencies but schools were considered as profane phenomenon among us for a long time since schools are the resultant of modernity. The requirements of modern educational system don’t carry any ethnic and gender borders; men and women with equal rights deserve to have their hungry minds fed but we, for the first time denied the ideas of building schools and teaching both males and females equally in Amir Habibullah Khan’s period.

Modern communities have treated modern implements rationally and have gained great changes and civilizations but we are witnessing ignorance in Afghanistan because we haven’t treated modern implements rationally and have denied the modern political and social systems as once upon a time when the legislation of codified laws were introduced, spiritual leaders had held Holy Quran in one hand and the constitution in other and were asking people if they accepted the Quran or the constitution whilst in many Islamic countries both are admitted.

Social life is a continuous field of varieties and every change is a steady circuit which doesn’t end and makes us unable to deny it. For having a prosperous and advanced life, the change of circumstances’ status is a must and this is clear that Afghanistan has always stood against these changes, which has caused us to have such crises.

We need to know four significant theories for the recognition of the reasons of resistances like opposing modern systems and disputing the change of circumstances’ status in our community.

• Culture (First theory):
We have extraordinary dealing with culture because it’s one of most significant phrases in our daily life.

• Readjustment and adaption with environments (Second theory):
The relation between adaption and culture is that culture provides us the tools for adaption with both natural and social environments. For existence and survival we need to conform to both environments and this is not possible to live in a society and don’t be compatible with its language, customs, ideals and goals.

As an example, in Islamic societies, there are some obligations that members of communities should adopt for being able to live a better life among people such as having particular covering which is called “Hijab” or dealing with other Islamic commitments. So, we realize that life gets promoted stepwise to the extent we accommodate with both environments.

For example, it’s clear that we can’t extract, pull out food and other essentials of life and haven’t been able to use of our natural surroundings. Hence, we are poor since our minds are hungry and that we haven’t accorded with the environment, that’s why members of an unwise society always pursue poor and pathetic life like us.

Adaption with natural environment is clear but adaption with social environment needs to be focused on, social environment is an arena of conflict, collision and contrasts which are ensued of contradictory interests; each individual as a living creature has aims which can be in opposition with aims of other individuals in a society. Therefore, we need normative and legal systems for disposal of conflicts and to prohibit them causing war all against all and let us live comfortably in a society.

As told before that culture provides us the tools for adaption like technologies, media and industrial instruments to adapt with natural environment and provides us language, customs, ideals, goals, normative and legal operating systems to adapt with social environment. It’s true that all societies have goals and seek to reach them and goals need instruments to be achieved, we should choose the most proper instruments for which we need to obey the characteristics of rationality.

Right away we get a result of all above mentioned details about resistance that we have been opposing the change of adaptive patterns, for example by the passage of time the traditional ways of farming were changed to industrial tools in agriculture for having better results and first world countries chose industrial tools for agriculture for obtaining bread and butter but we have always been choosing traditional ways for farming, there is no doubt that they have had better livelihood than us since the chosen tools were based on features of rationality.

Or as an example in traditional ways in past, when a person committed crime so all members of the tribe were punished or that the daughter of the criminal’s family was handed over the victim’s family, these were not done because of whims, they were sorts of adaption with social environment for diminishing frictions but in other side if we use modern legal and judicial systems to solve the same case, so, of course we will have intellectual outcomes.

• Rationality (Third theory):
Now we realize that in journey along the life, humans have always changed the ways of adaption with both natural and social environments, these changes are whether led of inevitability or that modern ways are more efficient than our past irrational traditional ways. Hereof we get into the third topic called rationality.

This is obvious that rationality is one of the modern world’s manifestations, means that modern and industrial society or modern world is recognized on the concept of rationality. The simplest meaning of rationality is that we should choose the equipments for gaining our goals which are based on three characteristics:

1. We have got to choose the tools which have more profits and fewer losses means that we had better not pick out the tools which have more losses and fewer profits.

2. The second characteristic of rationality is that we have to opt the tools which are efficient means that our tools should be able to meet our goals and ideals altogether.

As an example historic social experiences have proved that imperial and royal political systems aren’t suitable tools for meeting our political purposes and that’s why people suggested and preferred democratic system rather to imperial system, since democracy has fewer detriments and is more efficient in distribution of power and in controlling of society, thus democratic system is better than any other political system.

3. The third characteristic of rationality is that we should choose the path which holds the lowest cost. For instance, treating the murder case by handing over the daughter to the victim’s family holds highest moral costs. Or using tools for construction of a building, it seems quite irrational to choose the tools which hold higher costs when we already have low costing tools.

Thus, modification of ways for facing up the terms means that mankind’s ways have always redirected to rationality for adaption with environments since beginning till now, entails that we have tried to select the tools for adaption with both environments which have more profits and fewer losses, which are efficient and which hold the lowest costs.

Therefore we should admit that change and revision in selections is a must in life and the difference that we and modern world have is only and only in selections; their selections have been rational which has resulted them to have more powerful compatibility with natural and social environments than us, thus they have been able to create a peaceful and humanitarian social environment and have been able to use of nature and provide livelihood to all members of their society.

So far, we have mentioned three main issues which are rationality, adaption and culture which have close relations; adaption and compatibility are the significant things for survival of life and the tools for adjustment are provided by culture but sometimes we select the tools that have three characteristics of rationality therefore it is called a rational handling and sometimes we select the tools which aren’t based on the rationality and hence, it is called an irrational deal.

• Past traditions called “Sonnat” in Dari (Fourth theory):
Right away, some might ask that “those who don’t deal rationally so, how do they deal?” For this we need to know the fourth theory or concept which is “past traditions” or “Sonnat”. Here we don’t mean religious Sonnat; we mean the customs which have passed on from generation to generation.

The people who treat new implements irrationally are those who give priority to “past traditions” and always compare modern models if they are meeting with their past traditions. As when democracy was introduced, so modern world asked if democratic system had more profits and fewer losses, was efficient and had low cost than imperial system, but the first question we asked was that if democracy met our tribal traditions or not. And there is no doubt that you don’t find out phrases like Christian democracy, evangelical democracy or catholic democracy in modern world societies, but in our society we witness existence of “Islamic democracy” discussions which clearly shows that “does the democratic system match our past tribal traditions or not?” If yes we accept and if not so we deny though if they have the characteristics of rationality too.

Instantly, we understand that tribal traditions have invariably caused us to oppose rationality, the modern world and its systems.
Why is “Loya Jirga” an acceptable power distributive tool in our government which is proved one of the most backward and decadent symbol? Why do people suggest playing lottery on distribution of power in government while our society is facing heavy political crises? Why?
Because the concept of “Loya Jirga” was highly compatible with our ancestors’ social and historic customs in past and we didn’t analyze it when it was gifted to us and by the passage of time the environments caused us to be entirely compatible with this concept.

Do you think customs and traditions are of our use which can’t inhibit poverty, ignorance, tyranny, contrast, tribal and social conflicts in our society? What is the use of such customs? Besides this, you know that we are concerned of our customs and traditions rather than poverty, ignorance and inequality.

In our society “Afghani honor” is considered not the case of interaction with modern world; group of Afghans were asked of their reputation by Iranians, Afghans had replied that (افغان هستیم! الحمدالله، سواد نداریم ولی غیرت داریم). Which “Afghani honor” are they talking about? Afghans have been proved the history’s faintest cowards in social experiments. What honor? Owners of the country who even can’t build half meter road for themselves, 20% to 30% of residents who are displaced in other countries and work as laborers for others, those who lean on foreign donations and say that they can’t build classes for sons and daughters of the society because they aren’t donated, do you think the owners of that society have honor? The phrase “Afghani honor” is nothing more than a junk, trash, and rubbish.

Societies have honor that broke the shelters of sky and galaxies, those who led and improved unprecedented and unparallel education and civilizations, those who established modern political systems and those who led peaceful living environment for their people.

We should admit openly that we are Afghan and neither have literacy nor honor, so, in selection of tools for adaption first of all we try to relieve our tribal traditions, those customs which have led nothing except stupor, misery, nonsense and rot in our society. Thus, the ways and tools which we have always selected have been based on past tribal traditions and this has caused us to run away of rationality.

Reference:
Dr. Mohammad Jawad Sultani’s speech in a seminar.

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اعلاميه حزب وحدت اسلامي افغانستان در قبال تهاجم بي رحمانه کوچي نماها به مناطق دايمرداد و بهسود

    اعلاميه حزب وحدت اسلامي افغانستان در قبال تهاجم بي رحمانه کوچي نماها به مناطق دايمرداد و بهسود
    26/2/1389
    « ما مي خواهيم ستم هاي چند قرنه بر مردم ما پايان يابد»
    (از سخنان رهبر شهيد)

    با کمال تأسف، در شرايطي که ضرورت التيام زخم هاي چرکين و ديرينه جنگ و خصومت در افغانستان بيش از هر زماني ديگر برجسته به نظر مي رسد، هر از چندگاهي جريان هاي مشکوکي تحت نام کوچي در کشور سر برآورده و براي مردم بي دفاع جنايت و مصيبت به وجود مي آورند. از آنهم مهمتر، جاي تأسف مضاعف اين جا است که مي بينيم دولت به عنوان مسؤول مستقيم تامين کننده امنيت شهروندان، با بي تفاوتي تمام نظاره گر حادثه مي باشد. و اين جدي ترين زنگ خطري است که مي تواند، بخش هايي از کشور را به کام بحران هاي مهار ناپذير ديگر فرو ببرد. آخرين گزارشها حاکي است که اين عناصر مسلح و آشوب طلب تحت نام کوچي شبانه بر بخش هاي وسيعي از بهسود و دايميرداد حمله برده و خانه ها و بازارها را به آتش کشيده اند و اين دقيقاً همان پاليسي طالبان است.
    حزب وحدت اسلامي افغانستان با صراحت اعلام مي نمايد که بحران کوچي در هزاره جات هرگز رنگ حقوقي ندارد؛ بلکه تداوم بخشي از ستم هاي دير سالي است که متأسفانه به شکل زنجير وار، از زمان حکومت اميرعبدالرحمان تا هنوز بر مردم مناطق مرکزي جريان دارد. تهاجم مسلحانه کوچي نماها، که در واقع، بخشي از پاليسي عبدالرحماني و طالباني در قبال مردم مناطق مرکزي است، در شرايطي صورت مي گيرد که دولت افغانستان به منظور ايجاد صلح، جرگه ملي مشورتي صلح را داير مي کند. بنا براين نخستين پرسشي که مطرح مي شود اين است که چرا دولت در قبال مردم افغانستان دوگانه عمل مي کند؟ آنجا که صلح و مصالحه در عمل زمينه کمتري دارد، و جنگ با دولت جهاد تلقي مي شود، دولت شعار صلح ميدهد؛ اما آنجا که صلح است و مردم در عمل حاميان اصلي ثبات و امنيت مي باشند، به جرم حمايت دولت، تحفه جنگ و تهاجم دريافت مي کنند؛ و اين صداقت دولت را در قبال حل معضل کوچي، با پرسش هاي جدي رو به رو مي سازد.
    حزب وحدت اسلامي افغانستان گرچه صلح، در چوکات قانون اساسي را با همه طرفهاي درگير؛ از جمله طالبان يک ضرورت انکار ناپذير ميداند؛ اما در عين حال هشدار ميدهد که ادامه روند سناريوي کوچي، و بي تفاوتي دولت در برابر آن، نه تنها با ايده صلح و ثبات زاويه منفرجه ايجاد مي کند؛ بلکه شعله هاي جنگ را نيز در سرتاسر کشور شرربارتر مي نمايد. شايد هم اين شعله ها خرمن هستي مردمي را بسوزاند که بيشتر از يک قرن، در حسرت صلح، امنيت و برادري نفس کشيده اند؛ اما بي ترديد، بايد پذيرفت که دامن آتش افکنان نيز سرانجام، از شر شعله هايي که خود شان بر خرمن ديگران افکنده اند، در امان نخواهد ماند. حزب وحدت اسلام افغانستان معتقد است که اگر از هجوم مسلحانه کوچي نما ها در هزاره جات جلوگيري به عمل نيايد، پيامد هاي زيانبار اجتماعي و سياسي آن، وسيعتر و مخرب تر از آن خواهد بود که تصور مي شود. لهذا اين حزب، با ابراز نگراني شديد از وضعيت پيش آمده، مواضع خويش را در قبال اين مسئله تأسف بار، به شرح ذيل اعلام مي نمايد:

    1- قبل از همه هجوم وحشيانه کوچي نماهاي مسلح را در مناطق بهسود و دايمرداد به شدت محکوم نموده، تداوم اين تهاجم ضد انساني را منافي صلح، امنيت و ثبات و ويران کننده اعتماد شکننده و لرزان ملي ميداند؛
    2- همانگونه که اشاره شد، از نظر ما معضل کوچي و ده نشين يک معضل حقوقي نيست تا از طريق ارگانهاي عدلي و حقوقي قابل حل باشد؛ بلکه اين معضل، يک معضل سياسي-مديريتي است که تنها با دخالت مستقيم دستگاه سياستگزاري و اجرايي دولت قابل حل مي باشد. بنا براين، با صراحت و جديت اعلام مي نماييم که اگر دولت افغانستان، جلو تهاجمات عناصر متجاوز، جنگجو و آشوب طلب را نگيرد و اين مشکل را حل ننمايد، مسؤوليت مستقيم تمام تبعات زيانبار و ويران کننده آن به دوش دولت خواهد بود؛
    3- از رئيس جمهور افغانستان مي خواهيم تا در جهت حل اساسي اين بحران، مطابق ماده چهارده قانون اساسي و براساس فرمان قبلي خويش، پروسه اسکان کوچي ها را تسريع نمايد؛ همچنين تقاضامنديم تا زماني که قضيه به صورت اساسي حل نگرديده است؛ جهت جلوگيري از تکرار همه ساله جنگ و خشونت، ارگانهاي امنيتي را موظف سازند تا در فصول معينه، تدابير مقتضي اتخاذ نمايند؛
    4- با وجود اينکه قانون اساسي به اسکان کوچي ها صراحت دارد، فرمان رئيس جمهور در اين رابطه موجود است و کوچي ها نيز خواهان اسکان مي باشند؛ و با وجود اينکه عده اي از بزرگان مردم ما در بدنه دولت و حکومت همواره پيگير اين قضيه هستند، عدم توجه ارگانهاي ذيربط دولتي در اين خصوص، از نظر ما و مردم مناطق مرکزي واقعاً ابهام آلود و پرسش برانگيز مي باشد؛
    5- از نظر ما کوچي هاي اصلي، مانند مردم ده نشين در طول تاريخ، ستم ديده اند و از سوي حکومت هاي وقت، به حيث ابزار مورد استفاده قرار گرفته اند. همچنين از اين نکته نيز به درستي واقفيم که کوچي هاي واقعي، نه به دنبال خونريزي و کوچ نشيني؛ بلکه خواهان اسکان و رسيدن به زندگي مدني مي باشند. بنا براين، از نظر ما کوچي ها حق دارند مانند ساير شهروندان زندگي کنند و ما از اين حق و خواست آنها حمايت مي کنيم.
    6- با توجه به آنکه در اثر تهاجم کوچي نماها، تعداد زيادي از خانه هاي مردم به آتش کشيده شده و مردم ساحات زيادي از دايمرداد و بهسود، بي خانمان و مهاجر گرديده اند، خواهان آنيم که هرچه عاجلتر از سوي دولت به مشکلات مهاجرين رسيدگي و خسارات وارده به آنها جبران گردد.
    7- از مردم شريف دايمرداد و بهسود نيز مي خواهيم با حفظ هوشياري کامل، مراقب اوضاع باشند و از هر طريق ممکن، تا آنجا که به آنان مربوط است، از دادن بهانه به دست مهاجمين پرهيز نمايند. با اين وجود تأکيد مي کنيم که دفاع از جان، مال، آبرو و ناموس، وظيفه هر انسان مسلمان است.
    ومن الله توفيق

    حزب وحدت اسلامي افغانستان
    دفتر سياسي

The aims of Dr. R .Bashardost

The aims of Dr. R .Bashardost the Ex planning minister and parliament independent candidate of Kabul

1- Summoning of ministers for interrogation from their works results.
2- Non – existence confidence vote to lazy, non – professional and profiteer ministers.
3-Amputation of exorbitant salaries of foreign advisers, west ran and martial princes.
4- In crease of civilians and military staff’s salaries.
5- Increase of convinced salaries.
6- Cleaning of Governmental a demonstrations from allayed, in Justice and corruption.
7- Cleaning of national army and national police from non – professional members.
8- Construction of schools , religious schools, preparation of table , chair , book , scholarship , dormitory for students and higher education’s learners .
9- Construction of schools, religions schools, preparation of table, chair, book, scholarship, dormitory for students and higher education learners.
10- Preparation of abode malice available of work and educational possibilities for refugees.
11- Distribution of land for ones bales, Marty’s families Teachers, officials, refugees and deprived.
12- Obtaining of usurped lands of Governmental and personal again.
13- Trail of embezzlement public properties responsible.
14- Giving the first right to inner reconstruction’s companies and projects.
15- Dis-solving of economic criminal –N-G-O.
16- giving the first right in recruitment of Afghan workers and tradesmen.
17- serious making of dams reserve of water and watering of cultivation and generation of power.
18- Support strengthening of industries and internal productions.
19- Supporting of private sector for economic development .
20- Serious control of prices trues the health competition.
21- Expansion and development of economic, social and cultural symmetrical.
22- Demolishing of heavy direct and indirect taxes.
23- Survey, control and serious watching on the international community aids.
24- Close up the forgone prisons in Afghanistan.
25- Co-operation with international community in combat against terrorism and unsecurity.
26- Serious opposition with each kind of transaction with oppressors.
27- Forgiven policy appoint anent on the basis of national interests.
28- Immediate construction of equipped, modern clinic and hospitals.
29- Cleaning of Governmental administrations serum smugglers of narcotic materials and destroying of cultivation of poppy.
30- Immediate preparation of drinkable water and power.
31- Immediate reconstruction of roads, and public transportation.
32- Immediate programmed of canalize and regular cleanness of city from impurities.

Qazi Faez Isa Sworn in as Chief Justice Balochistan

Qazi Faez Isa, son of Qazi Muhammad Isa, has sworn in as Chief Justice Balochistan. He is the firstever Hazara to serve as Cheif Justice of Balochistan High Court.
qazi-faez-isa
Late Qazi Muhammad Isa was a prominent leader of Pakistan Movement and close friend of Quid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He sanctioned Voice of Hazaragi in Radio Pakistan in 1975. Qazi Muhammad Isa (Marhoom) raised the voice of deprived Hazaras of Independent Hazarajat in UN for the first time in 1970s and succeeded in getting Hazara delegation in the UN represented by Tanzeem Nasle Nau Hazara Mughul.

Kaleem Umer, cousin of Qazi Faez, writes in Daily Times that the Isa Famiy belonged to Hazaras of Kandhar, who are predominantely Sunni.

The family moved to present Pakistan in 1880s when the tyrant ruler Abdul Rahman imposed a genocidal war against Hazaras killing about 60% of the total population.

Qazi Faez is a senior lawyer. He was born in 1959 in Quetta. He completed his primary and secondary education from the Quetta Grammar School. He did his BA Honours in Law and later got the degree of Bar-at-Law from London. He has written several books.

Ashraf Jahangir Qazi is the cousin of Qazi Faez. He served as the Ambassador of Pakistan in the United States and India. Currently he is the UN Secretary General’s Special Representative for Sudan.

NOTE: Daily Jang Quetta Edition in its publication of August 06 has written Qazi Faez as a Pushtoon. (See Baqia Number 53)

It is to mention that Hazaras in Pakistan live in Quetta, Karachi, Hyderabad, Nawab Shah, Sangar, Khair Pur, Zhob, Muslim Bagh, Mach, Loraralai, Duki, Sinjavi, Harnae Marvar, Dagari and in some other cities.

Qazi Faez Isa – Barrister and advocate of the Supreme Court

Qazi Faez Isa is the son of Qazi Mohammad Isa, the foremost freedom fighter from Balochistan and a close associate of the Quaid, whose efforts were chiefly responsible for Balochistan joining Pakistan.
qazi-faez-isa
Q: Would you say that the emergency is tantamount to martial law?

A: This emergency has no legal or constitutional basis. This is something hybrid, which the constitution does not allow or permit. You could call it martial law or any name you want to give it. In other words, it is no law at all; you may call it the law of the jungle.

Q: What are the legal ramifications of the new Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO)?

A: The PCO states that the constitution is held in abeyance. The constitution does not provide for it, the constitution does not envisage a provisional constitutional order. It has zero legal or constitutional sanctity.

We must understand the special nature of the constitution. The constitution declares that each and every citizen of Pakistan, and every person within Pakistan, even if he is a foreigner, has to abide by the constitution of Pakistan. You cannot hold the constitution in abeyance. It defeats the purpose of a constitution. The constitution is not a simple law, it is the paramount law. Article 6 of the constitution says that anybody who tries to abrogate it by force of arms, or otherwise, or assists in its abrogation, commits high treason.

Q: What, in your view, are the legal or ethical limits, if any, of judicial activism?

A: The 1973 constitution is very crucial for the survival of the country. It is the only constitutional document ever to have been promulgated unanimously by each and every member of the National Assembly. Out of 200, 196 voted in favour of it. There were four abstentions, not a single vote of dissent against the passing of the constitution in 1973. In the document, the framers of the constitution provided Article 184, which also stipulated the boundaries of judicial activism. The boundaries are, firstly, that the court can take up only a matter of public importance, and secondly, one that pertains to fundamental rights. So if a wholescale infringement of fundamental rights is taking place, Article 184 enables the Supreme Court to act. This is, of course, in the larger interest of the people. For instance, if a dam that is providing water to say 10,000, or even 1,000 people, is being polluted, their fundamental rights are being violated. They may not have the resources to initiate a case against the violators, but the court can take up the matter. So it is a wonderful device. It’s good for the poorer segments of society, it protects them and it supports them – and it is very much a matter of fundamental rights. Now if I have a personal dispute with somebody, this doesn’t come into the picture at all. So, the test is fundamental rights and public importance. If the Supreme Court takes notice of a matter which does not fall within these two conditions then it can be said to be acting beyond its jurisdiction.

Q: The parameters of judicial activism set by the constitution notwithstanding, there has been a debate in certain quarters about some of the recent rulings of the Supreme Court under Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, namely the release of the Lal Masjid militants and the order to the authorities to pay blood money to the families of those killed in the operation on the masjid. In light of the extraordinary circumstances prevailing in the country, how wise were these decisions? Is there any provision for when the law can be modified in the larger public interest?

A: The chief justice did not pass any orders in the matter of Lal Masjid that you are referring to. Instead, orders were passed by Justice Nawaz Abbasi and Justice Javed Buttar, who, incidentally, were among the first to have been offered the oath under the PCO and who took the oath under the PCO. Furthermore, what I have been able to understand of the Lal Masjid scenario, it’s the government itself which has made it into a large issue. The government claims it is committed against terrorism, but what does the federal minister for religious affairs say? He says in the media that the two brothers [Maulanas Ghazi and Aziz] had arms in their cars, but he intervened and got them off. Isn’t he supporting terrorists?

There are many laws to arrest somebody, there are anti-terrorism laws, anti-subversion laws and others. What the courts say is to please proceed according to these laws. If people are terrorists, lodge an FIR, arrest them, there is a whole mechanism provided. You can’t just pick up a person and keep him incommunicado for years. That becomes a missing persons case. The Supreme Court has never said to release people who are guilty of terrorism or even suspects in terrorism cases. The court says to process them according to law or make laws if the [existing ones] are deficient. To simply pick up people and detain them, however, is unconstitutional. The courts have no option but to release such persons – a person is, after all, innocent until proven guilty.

Everything the Supreme Court did was according to the law and constitution. It cannot be accused of doing something for its personal interest. On the other hand, on the very same day that the proclamation of emergency was issued, Major General Arshad Waheed announced that the military had released 25 militants in exchange for 213 army officers whom the militants had taken captive. So who is releasing these people? Had the court said to release them? Let’s put matters in their true perspective.

Q: In his address to the nation following the proclamation of emergency, General Musharraf spoke about the arrests of various law enforcement personnel and of the collision course the judiciary had chosen to embark on vis à vis the executive, which had “paralysed the state machinery and demoralised the law enforcement agencies.” How would you respond?

A: The Supreme Court has said a number of times that if the government does what it is required to do, there would be no need for it to take any action. The Supreme Court will be more than happy not to do anything. It is only when the government is so thoroughly incompetent that the Supreme Court has to initiate action in all matters, in environmental matters, in building matters – even in traffic matters in Karachi. There is so much corruption everywhere. The Supreme Court has only been intervening because its jurisdiction has been invoked, under Article 184, in matters of public importance affecting fundamental rights. They have never acted beyond this domain. And the general public has been very pleased whenever the Supreme Court has acted. The poorest of the poor support the actions of the Supreme Court.

You must also realise that in this parliament, there is no opposition. In fact, there is no parliament. These parliamentarians are a burden on the exchequer, and you and I are paying for them. We have the largest cabinet in the world. What it does, we don’t know. There are no question and answer sessions, matters are not decided in the parliament, nothing is debated. I think the Supreme Court played a very valuable role because without it there would have been anarchy on the streets and probably much worse. So the Supreme Court offers people a ray of hope.

Q: Do you believe the emergency was entirely triggered by the judgement of the bench hearing the case for General Musharraf’s election to the presidency?

A: A request was made from the lawyers side that a full court should hear the matter. You will recollect that before this judgment, there was another petition which was heard by a nine-member bench. Out of these, four of the judges said that the president could not file his nomination papers. The others dismissed the petition on a technicality saying that the person who had filed it was not an aggrieved person. In the second constitution of the bench, those gentlemen who had decided against Musharraf said that since they had already decided the matter, their conscience would not permit them to be part of this bench. So the new bench was probably the most sympathetic bench available that the president could get. You will recollect that it was headed by Justice Javed Iqbal, who, when the chief justice was removed, was made the acting chief justice by no less a person than General Musharraf himself. So where is there cause for grievance? If you’re not happy even with those who are perceived to be supporting you, does that mean you should get your own court?

Q: Presidential aspirant Justice Wajihuddin made some observations recently. He said that those who were to benefit from the NRO – quite pointedly the PPP – were in collusion with President Musharraf. He also pointed out that the new chief justice of the Supreme Court, Abdul Hameed Dogar, had been elevated to the Sindh High Court by the PPP government, the implication being that his elevation was certainly not anathema to the PPP. Do you agree?

A: I don’t know if Justice Wajihuddin has made these statements. I don’t want to comment upon conjecture and surmises.

Q:Justice Javed Iqbal went on record to state that Aitzaz Ahsan, as counsel for Justice Wajihuddin Ahmed, the plaintiff in the case, had prolonged the proceedings unnecessarily. He maintained that considering Aitzaz’s “political affiliations, he did not deploy what could have been a devastating argument against Musharraf’s nomination papers.” Do you concur with this allegation?

A: I would say that Aitzaz Ahsan is a reputable counsel. I think these comments are certainly not justified.

To say that Aitzaz, because he is affiliated with the Peoples Party, intentionally mishandled the case, is absolutely untrue. We all know that Benazir Bhutto is not happy with Aitzaz Ahsan, so the last person that she would be listening to or vice versa, would be Aitzaz Ahsan.

Q:What happens now to all the rulings that had been made by the Supreme Court prior to the proclamation of emergency? Can they be overturned?

A: Each and every judgment of the Supreme Court stands unless it is overruled.

Q:Can it be overruled by the current bench of the Supreme Court?

A: There is only one Supreme Court, there is no new Supreme Court. Anybody who takes oath under the PCO is violating the constitution and thus cannot be accepted or recognised as a judge.

Q:That notwithstanding, this is not the first PCO, and whatever their legitimate position, the courts have continued to function…

A: There is one big difference this time… this has never happened before. In all the earlier instances the Supreme Court found some fig leaf to justify military intervention by inventing the doctrine of necessity or by other means. The difference this time is that on the day of the proclamation of emergency and the issuance of the PCO, a seven-member bench of the Supreme Court struck down the PCO. The Supreme Court held, “The order states, no judge of the Supreme Court or the High Courts including chief justices shall take oath under PCOs or any other constitutional step. Any further appointment of the chief justice of Pakistan and the judges of the Supreme Court and chief justices of High Courts and judges of provinces under the new development shall be unlawful and without jurisdiction.” So there is an order operating. And what are the consequences of violating this order? Article 190 of the constitution stipulates that all executive and judicial authorities in Pakistan shall act in aid of the Supreme Court. So it is a binding order on each and every one of us. There is no way out of this order now. The fundamental difference this time is that the Supreme Court immediately convened and seven judges, the chief justice and the senior-most judges of the Supreme Court, including the second and the third, Justice Rana Bhagwandas and Justice Javed Iqbal, passed this order. So it carries a lot of weight. The judges went on to state, and this is very interesting, “The chief of army staff, corp commanders, staff officers, and all concerned of civil and military authorities are hereby restrained from acting on the PCO.” I think this concludes the matter and there is no fig leaf this time.

Q:What happens to all the judges who refused to take oath? Do they just go home?

A: No, they continue to be judges under the constitution and law.

Q:The courts will function without them. So will it not be just in name – unless the PCO is rescinded?

A: The only courts in Pakistan that can function are under those judges who took an oath under the 1973 constitution. All those who were judges on November 3, continue to be judges. In the constitution of Pakistan, there are only three ways a High Court or Supreme Court judge can be removed. One, if he dies in office. Second, if he resigns his office. Third, if the supreme judicial council removes him. The framers of the constitution, and this happens everywhere in the world, knew that you must provide security to a judge of the Supreme Court because he would be deciding sensitive matters and at times when you have powerful parties arrayed against you, for example the government or the president, you want to ensure that the judge is not going to be worried about his job. So there is absolute security of tenure. A Supreme Court or High Court judge cannot be removed at all. The minute you do that you fall foul of Article 6 and you are guilty of high treason. So Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry remains chief justice, and there is no other. Sabihuddin Ahmed is chief justice of the Sindh High Court. It is as simple as that, it’s black and white.

Q:How do you see the future of the judiciary?

A: The future couldn’t be bleaker. You can’t have democracy without an independent judiciary, you can’t have democracy without an independent media. Each and every officer of the armed forces and the civil bureaucracy, each and every member of parliament, should be asked about the oath they took under the constitution. Schedule 3 prescribes an oath of office for every one of them, as it does for the president of Pakistan and the prime minister. Under this oath they all swear to preserve and protect the constitution. So now each member of parliament, each federal minister, each provincial minister, each member of provincial assembly, the chairman of the Senate, each one is violating their oath of office. So either they don’t have the consciousness, or the conscience. Have they not read the oath that they took? Are they protecting the constitution when they go by this order which says that the constitution is held in abeyance?

Q:So is there going to be no fight-back by the legal fraternity?

A: The legal community is not entering the courts at this time.

Q:Doesn’t that affect all those whose cases desperately need to be heard?

A: Would you want a case to be heard by a person who has now sworn – and this is very important – not to challenge or to entertain any challenge against the proclamation of emergency or the PCO. Both these devices have been used to take away your fundamental rights. So if they decide to close, for instance Newsline, for printing this interview, what is your recourse? None. Ordinarily you would have gone to the High Court and filed a petition under Article 199, because you could say your fundamental rights had been violated. What will you do today? Nothing. The courts have sworn to uphold the proclamation of the PCO, which says that fundamental rights are out of the window. I know people will suffer, but they will suffer far more, [if they become party to this]. You have to prevent the disease from spreading.

Q:So the fight-back is essentially by an act of omission…

A: I don’t know where the constitution of Pakistan says that only the legal community is obligated to uphold the constitution. It is each and every one’s duty – not just that of civil society, but of every individual, including those in the military.

As for the lawyers, in one day, 500 lawyers were arrested. This is a world record. Three hundred and forty-four FIRs were lodged in Lahore, in just one police station. And lawyers have been charged with all sorts of offences. They were in court, the police barged in, hit them with batons, tear-gassed them and then lodged FIRs against them.

So the entire leadership of the lawyers has been incarcerated, including the second, third and fourth tiers. Still they are brave souls, they are coming out, and are paying perhaps the biggest price. Apart from the assaults on them, if they don’t appear in court, nobody is going to pay them. And it is not as though they will derive any personal benefit from their battle. This battle they are fighting is for Pakistan.

Q:Do you think the current status-quo will remain?

A: Our faith teaches us patience – one should never give up hope and must speak up against tyranny. But the reality is that a single phone call from Condoleezza Rice ensured that, earlier, no emergency was declared. I’m sure if President Bush, who pretends to want democracy in Pakistan, was to make a phone call, things could be immediately reversed. Unfortunately today, the people of Pakistan are not determining the events that are taking place in Pakistan, it is America who decides what happens in Pakistan.

And now the American nation has to, for once and for all, decide, do they stand by the people of Pakistan or do they stand by one individual?

Dr. Ramazan Bashardost – Afghanistan Presidential Candidate

Ramazan Bashardost

Dr. Ramazan Bashardost

General Muhammad Musa Hazara

General Muhammad Musa Hazara
He is the oldest son of Sardar Yazdan Khan. He was a Naik (junior officer) in Hazara Pioneers and went to the Indian Miliary Academy in Dehra-Dun as a cadet and graduated with the first batch of the Indian commissioned officers. He was posted to the 6th Royal Battalion, 13th Frontier Force Rifles as a Platoon Commander in 1936. He took part in the Waziristan Operations in 1936-11938 and in World War II, where he served in North Africa. He served with distinction in the Pakistani Army and became the commander-in-chief of Pakistan Armed Forces during President Mohammad Ayub Khan’s regime (1958-1969). In 1965, Indian
Army attacked West Pakistan from Lahore border, with 600 modern tanks and 5 time bigger then Pakistan Army, but the President Field Marshal M. Ayub Khan and the brave commander-in-chief General M.Musa Khan defended the country with heart and soul. The Wahaga battle field became the graveyard of Indian tanks and Indian Army left their dead bodies in Pakistan soil. That was a great tribute to the Motherland Pakistan and that battle became an example of great defend in the world history. After he retired from the army, President Ayub appointed him as Governor of West Pakistan (1967-1969) and after serving for s few years; he retired and settled in Karachi. In 1987, he was appointed as Governor of Balochistan Province by President Zia-ul-Haq. He is the author of a book, his autobiography, Jawan to General. He died 1991.

قانون احوال شخصيه اهل تشیع: شوکت علی محمدی

من نيز مانند ديگر شهروندان متمدن هموطنم حق اظهار نظر در مورد قانون احوال شخصيه يا همان قانون مدني جامعه شيعه را براي خود محفوظ مي دانم! اما من نيز مانند اکثر قريب به اتفاق صاحب نظراني که حق نظر را محفوظ مي دانند و اظهار نظر کرده اند؛ لوح محفوظ اين يار نديده و فيل مولانا را نديده ام، جز تاريکي اقوال و موضع گيري هاي اين چنيني و آن چناني!

در مورد اين قانون طيف هاي گوناگوني اظهار نظر کرده اند؛

۱. منتقدان: منتقدان نيز به گروه هاي ريز تري تقسيم مي شوند؛

الف/1. گروهي که قانون را ديده و از ديد درون ديني نقد هايي بر آن وارد مي دانند مانند موسسه عالي کاتب.

ب/1. گروهي که قانون را نديده، اما با نگاه برون ديني و صرفا عقلاني به قضايا نگرسته و آن را ناقض حيثيت جهاني شيعيان مي دانند. اين گروه بدون در نظر داشت پيوست تدوين کنندگان به اردو گاه سياسي و ….نگران رويگرداني جامعه جهاني از شيعيان افغانستان که وجهه قابل قبولي تا کنون داشته اند؛ مي باشند.

ج/1. جماعتي که به دليل پيوست تدوين کنند گان اين قانون و به ويژه آقاي آيت الله محسني، با اين قانون مخالفند و مخالفت اروپاييان و امريکاييان را وسيله خرد کردن ايشان کرده اند.

د/1. جماعتي که گفتمان هويت سياسي را بر هويت مذهبي ترجيح مي دهند و پا گيري گفتمان و انديشه مذهب محور را موجب سوء استفاده عده اي غير هزاره از اين هويت و تضييع حقوق هزاره ها مي دانند. دليل اين گروه جدا انديشي اين اقليت هاي غير هزاره در مواقع خطر است که مسير شان را از هزاره ها جدا مي کنند.

ه/1. گروهي که چشم به گشايش بلاد فخيمه دارند و در صدد سوداي روشنفکري اند. اينان نه دغدغه مليتي و نه مذهبي دارند و نان خود مي پزند و………

و/1. خارجي ها: نظريات غربي ها در راه افتادن موج مخالفت با اين قانون، نقش مهمي داشته است. مباني انديشه غرب با اسلام تفاوت جوهري دارد. بسياري از آموزه هاي ديني ما براي آنان قابل درک و قابل قبول نيست؛ همان گونه بسياري از ارزش هاي جامعه غربي براي ما چنان است. پس غربي ها اين انتظار را نداشته باشند که ارزش هاي جامعه سکولار و اومانيست غربي در جامعه مسلمان و شديدا مذهبي افغانستان قابل پذيرش باشد. پس آزادي عقيده چه معنايي خواهد داشت! ارزشي غربي خود را به آن ملتزم مي دانند. قرار شنيدگي، عنوان تمکين به تجاوز به عنف در معادل انگليسي آن ترجمه شده که مشکلاتي پديد آورده است.

بسياري از ارزش هاي جامعه ما و غرب در تضاد همند مانند منزلت خانواده و مسؤوليت تربيتي و…اگر در آموزه اسلامي خروج زنان را در مواردي که حق شوهر ضايع مي شود؛ محدود کرده در مقابلش زن را از تأمين زندگي معاف داشته که در جامعه غربي خانواده به منزله «کوهبي تي شن» يا به قول ما به اندوالي تنزل داده است که زن به اندازه مرد باید مخارج زندگی را بپردازد. زن با معافیت از مخارج زندگی فرصت بیشتری برای پیشرفت و آزادی روانی بیشتری دارد تا به مسولیت اصلی او یعنی تربیت انسان که شان انبیاست بپردازد. در صورتي که عالمان روشن فکري مانند علامه فضل الله و…خروج زن را تنها در موردي خوف تضييع حقوق شوهر؛ منوط به اجازه شوهر دانسته است.

ادعاي مقايسه اين قانون با شريعت دشوار آفرين طالباني بي انصافي است. طالبان زنان را از تحصيل باز مي دارند و خروج و عبور و مرور زنان را بدون پليس (محارم) ممنوع مي دانند و …که در اين قانون و واقعيت جامعه شيعه هرگز چنين نيست.

موافقان:

1. اکثريت خاموش:

جامعه هزاره به دليل شيعه بودن و شيعه مسلمان شدن؛ همه مکانيسم هاي دفاعي خود را جهت حفظ هويت مذهبي فعال کرده بود! براي بقاي اين هويتي که در آغاز(سال36هجري به بعد که شنسب در حضور امام علي(ع) مسلمان شد و حکومت غور و غرجستان و مرو به غوريان هزاره واگذار شد) اقتدار سياسي و سعادت اخروي براي شان در پي داشته بود؛ هويت ملي خود را فدا کردند. هزاره هاي شيعه ماده131 قانون اساسي را احيا کننده حقوق پايمال شده شان مي دانند و اين قانون را نماد حضور برابر و انساني در کشور مي دانند. اکثريت خاموش، اين قانون را در اين مرحله اگر چه ناقص هم باشد نشان هويت شيعي خود مي دانند و با توجه به جو بي اعتمادي گذشته، تعديل زود هنگام آن را خطر جدي براي حذف خود مي شمارند.

2. عالمان برجسته ديني: اين قانون به وسيله عده اي از کار شناسان و با سوادان حوزوي تدوين شده و در شوراي علماي کابل تصويب شده و در اختيار وزير محترم عدليه که خود از کار شناسان حوزوي و نيز حقوقدان است قرار گرفت تا روند قانوني خود را طي کرد. عالمان برجسته جامعه ما مانند آيت الله العظمي محقق کابلي و  آيت الله محسني اين قانون را ديده و تأييد کرده اند. عالمان برزگواري مانند آيت الله العظمي فياض، صالحي ترکمني، تقدسي، صادقي پرواني، عرفاني يکاولنگي، و.. اين قانون را رد نکرده اند.

3. اکثريت نمايندگان شيعي پارلمان!

اما……

واقعيت آن است که ما اعتدال رواني نداريم! در موافقت ها و مخالفت ها راه افراط و تفريط را طي مي کنيم!

بر خي از جماعتي که مخالفت کرده اند، از سر دلسوزي است، اما نبايد آن را بوق و کرنا کنند که هر بي سواتي مانند من اظهار نظر کنند و قضايا پيچيده شود و احيانا وهني براي جامعه ما به شمار آيد. نخبگان جامعه راه هاي سالم تري را تمرين و جست و جو کنند. اين مسايل در محافل علمي بررسي شود.

اين مسأله، يک کار کاملا تخصصي است و بايد متخصصان اين فن، يعني فقیهان و عالمان طراز اول جامعه آن را بررسي علمي کنند.

واقعيت آن است که مبناي اين حقوق، نظريات مشهور علما است(اين اصطلاح فني علم فقه است) و آقاي محسني موافقت نکرده که نظريات خودش مبنا قرار گيرد! احتمالا او چنين روزهايي را پبش بيني مي کرده است. اگر چه صاحب نظران حوزوي مانند علامه فضل الله و …از بسياري از نظريات مشهور عبور کرده اند. واقعيت آن است که داشته­ی مورد اتفاق فقه ما همين است که آمده! اگر اشکالي هست در رکود اجتهاد حوزه ما است و تدوين کنندگان آن نظر سوء نداشته اند. ما اگر مخالف يک مسأله هستيم بايد آن را عالمانه نقد کنيم نه آن که جو جامعه التهاب زده را مکدر و تنش آلود کنيم.

مي شد و مي شود ادبيات بهتري در اين قانون استفاده کرد که چنين مشکلاتي پديد نيايد. ترسم آن است در اين مقطع، به جاي سرمه، چشم را کور کنيم که مباد! اميدوارم با حفظ حق نظر، دور انديش باشيم!

Information on Situation of Hazaras in Post-Taliban Afghanistan

Query:UNHCR

What is the current situation of Hazaras who had actively opposed the Taliban regime?

What is the current level of political participation of various ethnic groups, including Hazaras?

Are the Taliban still present and active in Afghanistan today? If so, in what capacity?

Could an individual Hazara safely relocate within Afghanistan if this person faced persecution by the Taliban?

Response:

SUMMARY

According to sources consulted by the Resource Information Center, conditions for Afghanistan’s ethnic Hazara minority have improved significantly since a U.S.-led coalition ousted the Taliban regime in late 2001. Hazaras as a group no longer face overt persecution or discrimination, and they are fairly well represented in President Hamid Karzai’s transitional administration.

Relocation of Hazaras within Afghanistan could be hampered by the general lawlessness and factional fighting that plague parts of the country outside of Kabul. Moreover, Hazaras reportedly face unofficial discrimination in Pashtun-majority areas of southern Afghanistan. Read the rest of this entry